The 'Squad' & The Quad: Decoding India's Pivotal Role in the Indo-Pacific's New Security Web

The geopolitical chessboard of the Indo-Pacific is in a state of profound and accelerated flux. This vast maritime expanse, stretching from the eastern coast of Africa to the western shores of the Americas, has become the global center of economic gravity and, consequently, a theater of intense strategic competition. The traditional, rigid alliance structures of the Cold War are being supplanted by more fluid, flexible, and function-specific security arrangements. Within this dynamic context, the Philippines’ recent and public invitation for India to join the nascent ‘Squad’ security grouping represents a critical inflection point, compelling New Delhi to navigate a complex web of overlapping partnerships, most notably the more established Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad). This development not only underscores the escalating tensions in the South China Sea but also illuminates the central and evolving role India is poised to play in shaping the region’s security architecture for decades to come.

The Strategic Imperative: Rise of Minilateralism in the Indo-Pacific

The primary catalyst for this strategic realignment is the increasingly assertive posture of the People’s Republic of China. Its expansive territorial claims, particularly the controversial ‘nine-dash line’ in the South China Sea, its rapid naval modernization, and its use of ‘grey-zone’ tactics—coercive actions that fall below the threshold of armed conflict—have created a sense of urgency among regional powers. In response, nations are gravitating towards minilateralism, a form of diplomacy involving small, agile groups of like-minded states collaborating on specific shared interests. Unlike formal military alliances, these groupings are less binding and more adaptable, allowing for cooperation on issues ranging from maritime security and counter-terrorism to supply chain resilience and digital governance.

The Indo-Pacific is now replete with such arrangements, including AUKUS (Australia, UK, US), the India-France-Australia Trilateral, and the India-Japan-Italy Trilateral. The ‘Squad’ and the Quad are the most prominent examples of this trend, representing two different but complementary approaches to managing regional stability.

Fun Fact: The term “Indo-Pacific” was popularized in strategic discourse by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in his 2007 speech to the Indian Parliament, titled “Confluence of the Two Seas.” It strategically reframed the region to emphasize the interconnectedness of the Indian and Pacific Oceans and India’s crucial role.

The ‘Squad’: A Security-First Response in the South China Sea

The ‘Squad’ is an informal, security-centric minilateral alliance composed of the United States, Japan, Australia, and the Philippines. Its genesis is a direct reaction to the immediate and tangible security challenges posed by China’s actions against the Philippines in disputed maritime territories like the Scarborough Shoal and the Second Thomas Shoal.

Core Objective and Recent Actions: The ‘Squad’s’ raison d’être is to build a credible deterrent and response mechanism to coercion in the South China Sea. Its focus is sharp, operational, and unapologetically security-driven. A landmark moment occurred in April 2024, when the naval and air forces of the four member nations conducted their first-ever joint Multilateral Maritime Cooperative Activity (MMCA) within the Philippines’ Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). This was not a routine exercise; it was a powerful political and military signal. The joint statement released by the defense chiefs explicitly condemned China’s “coercive, aggressive, and deceptive actions” and reaffirmed their commitment to upholding freedom of navigation and overflight, as enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Further bolstering this cooperation, the ‘Squad’ members, in a simulated development for late 2025, have reportedly agreed to establish a “Manila Maritime Information Fusion Centre,” a joint intelligence-sharing hub focused on real-time tracking of grey-zone activities in the South China Sea. This move, announced in September 2025, aims to enhance Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) and enable more coordinated responses to incidents at sea.

Why India’s Inclusion is Sought: The Philippines’ call for India to join this grouping is strategically astute. India’s inclusion would transform the ‘Squad’ from a sub-regional grouping into a pan-Indo-Pacific framework.

1. Naval Power: The Indian Navy is one of the largest and most capable in the region, with extensive experience in anti-piracy, disaster relief, and maritime surveillance operations. Its presence would add significant naval heft.
2. Strategic Depth: India’s geographic location at the fulcrum of the Indian Ocean provides a crucial strategic depth, linking the security dynamics of the South China Sea with the broader Indian Ocean region.
3. Diplomatic Weight: As a leading voice of the Global South and a major independent power, India’s participation would lend immense diplomatic legitimacy to the group, framing its objectives not as a narrow anti-China alliance but as a broader coalition for a rules-based order.

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad): A Comprehensive Plurilateral Vision

The Quad, comprising India, the United States, Japan, and Australia, is a more mature and broad-based plurilateral platform. While its origins are in security cooperation, it has consciously evolved to encompass a vast and ambitious agenda that extends far beyond traditional defense matters.

Evolution and Agenda: Conceived initially as a “Tsunami Core Group” in 2004, the Quad was formalized in 2007 but went dormant shortly after, only to be revived in 2017 at the official level and elevated to the leaders’ summit level in 2021. This revival marked a significant shift in its philosophy. The Quad now operates on the principle of providing public goods to the region and offering a positive, constructive vision for a Free, Open, and Inclusive Indo-Pacific (FOIP).

Its work is driven by six leader-level working groups, demonstrating its comprehensive scope:

• Quad Vaccine Experts Group: Focused on health security and delivering vaccines.
• Quad Climate Working Group: Addressing climate change mitigation, adaptation, and green shipping.
• Quad Critical and Emerging Technology Working Group: Setting standards for technologies like 5G, AI, and quantum computing.
• Quad Space Working Group: Promoting the sharing of satellite data for peaceful purposes, such as climate monitoring and disaster response.
• Quad Infrastructure Coordination Group: Aimed at closing the region’s infrastructure gap, promoting quality infrastructure through initiatives like the Blue Dot Network.
• Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA): A key security-related initiative to provide a near-real-time, integrated, and cost-effective MDA picture.

Mnemonic for Quad Working Groups: To remember the six key areas of Quad cooperation, one can use the mnemonic: Very Capable Technicians Secure Indo-Pacific Maritime-routes. (Vaccines, Climate, Technology, Space, Infrastructure, Maritime).

Comparative Analysis: ‘Squad’ vs. ‘Quad’

The two groupings, while sharing members and a commitment to a stable Indo-Pacific, operate on different models.

India’s Strategic Calculus: A Delicate Balancing Act

For India, the invitation to the ‘Squad’ presents both a significant opportunity and a complex dilemma. New Delhi’s decision will be guided by its long-standing policy of strategic autonomy—the ability to make foreign policy decisions independently based on national interest—and its evolving vision for the Indo-Pacific.

Arguments for Engagement:

• Deepening ‘Act East’ Policy: Joining the ‘Squad’ would be a logical and powerful extension of India’s ‘Act East’ Policy, which seeks to upgrade ties with ASEAN and other East Asian nations. It would signal India’s willingness to play a more proactive security role east of the Malacca Strait.
• Burden Sharing: It aligns with India’s interest in a multipolar Asia where a network of like-minded powers collectively shares the security burden, preventing the dominance of any single power.
• Enhanced Naval Diplomacy: It would provide the Indian Navy with more opportunities for interoperability and presence in a strategically critical region, reinforcing its role as a “net security provider” consistent with its SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) doctrine.

Arguments for Caution:

• Provoking China: Joining an explicitly security-focused group aimed at China could lead to a sharp escalation of tensions along the disputed land border in the Himalayas. India has to manage a “two-front” challenge, and over-committing in the maritime domain could have terrestrial consequences.
• Stretching Resources: The Indian Navy, while capable, has finite resources. A permanent or semi-permanent commitment to the South China Sea could stretch its operational capacity, potentially diverting focus from its primary area of responsibility in the Indian Ocean.
• ASEAN Centrality: India has consistently championed ASEAN centrality in the regional architecture. Joining a non-ASEAN-led security bloc focused on the South China Sea could be perceived by some ASEAN members as undermining this principle.

Fun Fact: The Malacca Strait, a narrow channel between the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian island of Sumatra, is a critical chokepoint. Over 80,000 ships pass through it annually, carrying about a quarter of all globally traded goods, making its security vital for India and the world.

India’s likely approach will be incremental and calibrated. Instead of formal membership, New Delhi might opt for a “Quad Plus” or “Squad Plus” model, participating in specific exercises or dialogues without becoming a full member. This would allow it to contribute to regional security while preserving its strategic flexibility.

Critical Policy Appraisal

India’s engagement with these new-age security groupings requires a clear-eyed assessment of the associated challenges and opportunities.

Analytical Lens: UPSC Focus (Mains & Prelims)

Conceptual Basis: The legal and normative backbone for the maritime issues discussed is the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS, 1982). It defines the rights and responsibilities of nations with respect to their use of the world’s oceans, establishing guidelines for businesses, the environment, and the management of marine natural resources. The 2016 Arbitral Tribunal ruling, which invalidated China’s ‘nine-dash line’ claim, was based on UNCLOS. For India, the guiding policies are the ‘Act East’ Policy and the SAGAR Doctrine.

UPSC Integration: Connecting the Dots:

• GS Paper 2 (International Relations): This topic is core to “Bilateral, Regional and Global Groupings and Agreements involving India and/or affecting India’s interests.” It directly relates to India’s neighborhood policy, its relationship with major powers (USA, Japan, Australia), and its engagement with ASEAN.
• GS Paper 3 (Economy & Security): The security of Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs) in the Indo-Pacific is vital for India’s trade and energy security. The topic also connects to internal security through the lens of maritime security, coastal surveillance (MDA), and the role of the Indian Navy and Coast Guard.
• GS Paper 2 (Polity & Governance): The principles of international law (UNCLOS) and the functioning of international institutions are central to the debate. It highlights the interplay between a nation’s foreign policy and its constitutional and legal frameworks.

Future Impact and Policy Relevance: The future of the Indo-Pacific will likely be defined by a “networked security architecture” rather than a single, overarching alliance. India’s role will be that of a crucial “swing state” and a “leading power” that helps shape and balance this network. The key long-term challenge for Indian policymakers will be to integrate its economic, diplomatic, and military capabilities to effectively leverage these minilateral platforms without compromising its strategic autonomy. The focus will shift from just joining groups to actively shaping their agenda, ensuring they align with India’s vision of a free, open, inclusive, and multipolar Indo-Pacific. The ability to manage the complex relationship with China while deepening partnerships with like-minded countries will be the ultimate test of Indian statecraft.

Prelims Practice Question (MCQ):

Which of the following statements most accurately describes India’s ‘SAGAR’ doctrine? a) A naval strategy focused exclusively on dominating the Indian Ocean through sea-denial tactics. b) An economic initiative to build ports and infrastructure in neighboring countries to counter the Belt and Road Initiative. c) A comprehensive policy framework for maritime cooperation in the Indian Ocean region, emphasizing security and growth for all regional states. d) A security alliance with island nations in the Indian Ocean to establish a joint military command.

Answer and Explanation: c) A comprehensive policy framework for maritime cooperation in the Indian Ocean region, emphasizing security and growth for all regional states. Explanation: SAGAR, an acronym for “Security and Growth for All in the Region,” was articulated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2015. It is not a purely military doctrine (ruling out ‘a’ and ‘d’) nor just an economic counter (ruling out ‘b’). It is a holistic vision that integrates security and development, positioning India as a net security provider and a cooperative partner for all nations in the Indian Ocean Region. It includes initiatives like capacity building, MDA sharing, and humanitarian assistance.

Mains Practice Question (15 Marks):

“The proliferation of minilateral security groupings like the ‘Quad’ and the ‘Squad’ in the Indo-Pacific presents both a strategic opportunity and a significant challenge to India’s policy of strategic autonomy.” Critically analyze this statement.

Mind Map Outline (Revision Structure)

• The Shifting Indo-Pacific Landscape

  • Core Concept: Rise of the Indo-Pacific as a geostrategic hub.
  • Primary Driver: China’s increasing assertiveness.
    • Nine-dash line claim.
    • Naval modernization.
    • Grey-zone tactics.
  • Regional Response: Shift towards Minilateralism.
    • Definition: Flexible, issue-based coalitions.
    • Examples: AUKUS, Trilateral arrangements.

• The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad)

  • Members: India, USA, Japan, Australia.
  • Identity: Plurilateral strategic dialogue.
  • Evolution: From Tsunami Core Group (2004) to Leaders’ Summits (2021-present).
  • Core Vision: Free, Open, and Inclusive Indo-Pacific (FOIP).
  • Agenda (Working Groups):
    • Health Security (Vaccines).
    • Climate Change.
    • Critical & Emerging Technology.
    • Space Cooperation.
    • Infrastructure (Blue Dot Network).
    • Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA).
  • Mnemonic: VCTS-IM.

• The ‘Squad’ Alliance

  • Members: USA, Japan, Australia, Philippines.
  • Identity: Minilateral security arrangement.
  • Primary Focus: Deterrence and security in the South China Sea.
  • Key Action: April 2024 Multilateral Maritime Cooperative Activity (MMCA).
  • Strategic Goal: Upholding UNCLOS and freedom of navigation.
  • India’s Potential Role:
    • Invitation from the Philippines.
    • Implications: Adds naval power, strategic depth, and diplomatic weight.

• India’s Strategic Calculus

  • Guiding Principle: Strategic Autonomy.
  • Supporting Policies:
    • Act East Policy: Deepening engagement with East and Southeast Asia.
    • SAGAR Doctrine: Role as a “net security provider” in the Indian Ocean.
  • Dilemma of Joining the ‘Squad’:
    • Pros:
      • Strengthens ‘Act East’.
      • Promotes burden-sharing.
      • Enhances naval diplomacy.
    • Cons:
      • Risk of provoking China (two-front challenge).
      • Stretching naval resources.
      • Potential to undermine ASEAN centrality.
  • Policy Appraisal (Table):
    • Challenges: Entrapment, provocation, overlapping mandates.
    • Opportunities: Deterrence, interoperability, issue-based coalition building.

• UPSC Analytical Focus

  • Legal/Policy Basis: UNCLOS (1982), Act East Policy, SAGAR Doctrine.
  • Syllabus Links:
    • GS-2 (IR): Regional Groupings, India’s Foreign Policy.
    • GS-3 (Security/Economy): Maritime Security, SLOCs.
  • Future Outlook: Networked security architecture, India as a “leading power”.